Quarterly Journal of West Asia Political Research

Abstract The Taliban militia forces, with a number of less than seventy-five thousand people, overcame the three hundred thousand-strong Afghan army in eleven days. The people of Afghanistan also experienced the rule of this extremist Islamist group at 1996 to 2001, until the Taliban government fell following the September 11 incident and the US attack on Afghanistan, and the US sought to establish a nation-state in this country. After more than twenty years, the US government decided to withdraw its forces from Afghanistan. With the beginning of the withdrawal of American forces, the Taliban militias succeeded in forming the second Islamic Emirate in this country in the shortest possible time in 2021. The rapid victory of the Taliban raised questions, the most important of which are: First, were these developments a scenario and project designed by the US? Second, what was the reason for the Taliban's rapid victory in Afghanistan and how will their government in the new era be fundamentally different from their government in the previous era? Third, what consequences could the Taliban's re-dominance in Afghanistan have for the Islamic Republic of Iran? Therefore, the purpose of writing this article is to state the reasons for the Taliban's re-emergence in Afghanistan and explain its consequences in the region, especially for the Islamic Republic of Iran, in a descriptive-analytical manner and using library tools including books, newspapers and internet resources.

Abstract The Syrian crisis is one of the most challenging security and political events in the Middle East region, and each of the actors in the international scene has adopted different approaches to the developments in Syria based on their interests. America's strategy as a global superpower is always influenced by intelligence-security organizations active in Syria. Intelligence organizations are one of the influential institutions in the policy-making and foreign policy of countries regarding regional and global developments. According to their functions, these organizations are the tools of political decision-makers to make decisions in important international developments. At the same time, they influence the process of foreign policy, but they are also strongly affected by politics. In fact, just as political variables strongly influence information, intelligence organizations also influence the foreign policy approach of countries. One of the important questions regarding intelligence organizations is their position and the way they influence the foreign policy of countries. The structure of American intelligence and security organizations has a long history, and since intelligence services usually play an overt and covert role in the foreign policy of societies, the United States of America is not exempt from this and has undoubtedly been influenced by these organizations. The executive role of these organizations in the Syrian crisis is one example of how they are used as a tool in this country's foreign 

Abstract The Gaza war, which began on October 7, 2023, and lasted 15 months, triggered intense global reactions due to the widespread destruction of buildings, hospitals, schools, and the killing of Palestinian civilians by the Israeli army. However, compared to the widespread protests in the West, those in Islamic countries were limited in scale and intensity, showing no signs of igniting Arab nationalism. This raises the question: what factors have contributed to the decline of Arab nationalism in the Middle East? This research hypothesizes that the decline of Arab nationalism results from complex interactions among political, social, and economic factors. A qualitative explanatory method was employed, using library-based data collection. The findings reveal that Arab nationalism has historically faced numerous challenges, including reformist and secessionist movements. Furthermore, the positions of Arab countries and recent developments during the Gaza war have weakened national identity and Arab unity. These countries perceive a new wave of nationalism based on Islamism as a threat to their authoritarian regimes and thus strive to suppress Arab nationalism in the region. Additionally, internal rivalries among Arab states, economic dependence on the West, and the inability to form effective unions are significant contributors to this decline. Consequently, Arab nationalism has gradually been replaced by local and religious tendencies, which in some cases have deepened internal divisions and further weakened Arab solidarity.

Abstract Undoubtedly, ideology is one of the main influential elements in the foreign policy countries. The emergence and formation of the Taliban's ideology has had a major and important impact on the developments Afghanistan's foreign policy, and Iran's relations with its eastern neighbors are very important. Iran-Afghanistan relations as bilateral relations are affected many factors. The presence of countless Afghan immigrants in Iran, the issue water, drugs, and the economic and political relations these two countries have caused many and downs during different eras, which with the re-appearance of the Taliban in political power Afghanistan, can seriously damage the relations between two countries. to impress. The main problem of the research; The analysis of the effective and stable factors in Iran-Afghanistan relations in the recent period of the Taliban's rise to power. The research method in research descriptive-analytical and the method collecting data library and internet. While many analyzes point the political, military, security, historical and geopolitical factors in the future of Iran-Afghanistan relations, although complete ideological integrity was characteristic of the first period the Taliban, new period of Taliban based internal and external factors, ethnicity and ideology. has turned into two groups with different intellectual origins and has distanced itself from ideological unity. This ideological duality is an important and influential factor in Iran-Afghanistan relations in the new Taliban era.

Abstract The Syrian crisis is one of the most challenging security and political events in the Middle East region, and each of the actors in the international scene has adopted different approaches to the developments in Syria based on their interests. America's strategy as a global superpower is always influenced by intelligence-security organizations active in Syria. Intelligence organizations are one of the influential institutions in the policy-making and foreign policy of countries regarding regional and global developments. According to their functions, these organizations are the tools of political decision-makers to make decisions in important international developments. At the same time, they influence the process of foreign policy, but they are also strongly affected by politics. In fact, just as political variables strongly influence information, intelligence organizations also influence the foreign policy approach of countries. One of the important questions regarding intelligence organizations is their position and the way they influence the foreign policy of countries. The structure of American intelligence and security organizations has a long history, and since intelligence services usually play an overt and covert role in the foreign policy of societies, the United States of America is not exempt from this and has undoubtedly been influenced by these organizations. The executive role of these organizations in the Syrian crisis is one example of how they are used as a tool in this country's foreign policy towards Syria. In this research, the researchers intend to examine the role of American intelligence agencies in the foreign policy of the country during Trump's presidency towards Syria. The focus of this research is the influence of the American intelligence community on the foreign policy of the country towards Syria, specifically the role of the US Central Intelligence Organization (CIA) in US foreign policy towards Syria from 2017 to 2020.

Abstract Do human communities behave similarly everywhere, driven by the intricacies of politics? What constitutes politics, and is the study of politics the same everywhere, including in the West Asia region? Conversely, are politics in West Asia shaped by different authenticities, reflecting the region’s cultural, ethno-religious, linguistic, historical, and modern realities and experiences? This paper postulates that politics in West Asia resembles politics elsewhere, as politics involves individual and group decision-making over resources and their distribution for the betterment of material gain, human security, and happy, virtuous life. At the same time, studying the region’s characteristics helps to understand the parameters of human relations in the political discourses, processes, and outcomes, including the distribution of socioeconomic resources and political power.

Abstract Modernity, with its distinctive features, postmodernism with its corrective stance, and religion with its normative and behavioral framework, represent three competing spheres of order—Westphalian, postmodern, and Islamic—that continue to shape contemporary thought. Each seeks to impose its own cultural and political system on human society. While modernity, through its innovations and new intellectual paradigms, is not inherently incompatible with Islam, it nonetheless calls for an Islamic approach capable of generating dynamic mechanisms to meet the needs of Muslims and to foster more resilient and inclusive modes of thought. Such an approach can enhance the scope for free action and independent reasoning among Muslims. This study aims to explore the modern world and its philosophical underpinnings, as well as their implications for the lives of Muslims and the peoples of the East. The findings suggest that the encounter of contemporary Islamic societies with Western civilization has produced numerous setbacks and challenges. Intellectual dilemmas, alongside economic, cultural, and social disruptions, largely stem from the foundational principles of modernity, including anthropocentrism, reductionism, identity erosion, nihilism, consumerism, secularism, environmental degradation, and Westernization. These influences are evident in the social, political, and ethical dimensions of both individual and collective Muslim life. Employing a descriptive-analytical method, this research seeks to provide balanced and pragmatic strategies for addressing these challenges.

Abstract  
 
The public policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the field of foreign policy, especially in the West Asian region, has always been influenced by geopolitical, security, and ideological considerations. One of the most important areas of this policymaking is the developments in Syria and its position in regional equations. The Syrian crisis and the collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s government have had far-reaching consequences for Iran’s security and regional influence, and the reaction of Western countries has also added to the complexity of these conditions. This article, focusing on the “balance of interests” approach, examines Iran’s strategies in dealing with these developments. The research findings show that Iran, by utilizing tools such as soft balancing, regional coalition building and support for proxy forces, multi-level and multilateral diplomacy, limited military measures aimed at deterrence, media diplomacy and rational representation in global public opinion, has tried to maintain its position in the axis of resistance and regional equations while reducing security threats from Western powers. Iran's approach focuses on the use of low-cost and flexible tools rather than relying on hardware balancing and direct military spending. Accordingly, Iran's foreign policy towards Western countries in the process of developments in Syria has been redefined based on maintaining national security and consolidating regional influence through multi-faceted and low-cost strategies.
 
 

Abstract The main question of this study is: “What developments has the Resistance Axis experienced in political and military fields before and after the martyrdom of General Qassem Soleimani?” After evaluating the socio-political texts and available sources in this field, the results of the research showed that during the 22-year period of Martyr Soleimani's command of the Quds Force, resistance groups in the Middle East region have grown day by day, so that today, in addition to Lebanon and Palestine, these groups have also been established in Syria, Iraq, and Yemen. Even the Yemeni Ansar Allah formed a government in Sanaa. In Palestine, the new generation of resistance has expanded into the occupied territories, and in current Iraq, numerous groups are demanding the expulsion of American soldiers from this country, so the sum of these developments has strengthened and deepened the “Geopolitics of Resistance” in the region. Another important point that is understandable after the martyrdom of General Soleimani is the “network” nature of these groups. For example, Hezbollah of Lebanon played a constructive role in the Syrian crisis and the war against terrorists. In addition, Hezbollah in the recent war in Gaza on the northern front and the Yemenis also responded practically to defend Gaza by launching missile attacks on the ships of the Zionist regime. This fact is also true for the Iraqi resistance groups. Another important point before and after the martyrdom of General Soleimani is the “people-based” nature of the resistance groups. In other words, the popularity of the resistance axis is the main sources of power of these actors. In fact, General Soleimani, with his managerial and commanding qualities, had a unique ability to organizing local and indigenous forces.