Quarterly Journal of West Asia Political Research

Abstract Since its establishment, Israel has constantly seen itself under threat and has prepared itself for any battle. In its military record, this regime has experienced six major wars with the Arabs, two wars with Iran, and numerous wars with paramilitary groups such as the PLO, Islamic Jihad, Hamas, Hezbollah, and Ansar Allah. The main question of the research is what changes have Israel's military strategies undergone before and after October 7th, 2023? The hypothesis tested in the research is that Israel has made its military strategy more aggressive and based on preemptive war. The library-documentary method was used to answer the research question. The research findings show that Israel, which used strategies such as preventive war, transferring the war to enemy territory, early warning, deterrence, short-term wars, and surprise attack in its wars; After the October 7, 2023 war (Operation Al-Aqsa Storm), it has changed its military strategy and has resorted to cyber deterrence, the Dahiya doctrine, preemptive warfare, and a more grassroots strategy. The essence of the new strategy is based on the gradual destruction of the militant groups opposing Israel (by assassinating their commanders and leaders and disintegrating their organizational structure and internal discipline) and the destruction of the urban, civil, and economic infrastructures where they live (to prevent their growth and proliferation and prevent their continued existence).

Abstract The problem of environmental crises, ethnic violence, and the disconnection of spirituality from the public sphere stems from a reductionist view of the relationship between humanity, nature, and the sacred. This research, employing a descriptive-analytical method and re-examining Sadrian Transcendent Philosophy, raises the following question: How can the root causes of environmental crises, ethnic violence, and the disconnection of spirituality from the public sphere be explained through the reductionist view of the relationship between humanity, nature, and the sacred? Furthermore, based on Sadrian Transcendent Philosophy, what model can be derived for transitioning from divine wisdom to global peace? The findings indicate that in Mulla Sadra's thought, human beings as 'God's vicegerent' (khalīfat Allāh) are not only not superior to nature, but possess a graded (tashkīkī) existence and an ontological connection with the natural world. The sacred is not considered separate from nature but is diffused throughout all levels of creation (takwīn). Accordingly, global peace cannot be achieved without reviving 'divine wisdom' (al-ḥikmat al-ilāhiyyah), in which humanity, nature, and the sacred are unified within a hierarchical existential order. This approach can replace exclusively anthropocentric or nature-centered paradigms and lay the groundwork for a bio-founded ethics, ontological justice, and a lasting peace based on the intrinsic dignity of all beings

Abstract The expansion of information and communication technologies in recent decades has enabled new ways of interaction between the government and citizens. Digital citizen participation platforms, as one of the most important examples of this transformation, have provided potential capacities for strengthening good urban governance. This article aims to theoretically and analytically examine the role of these platforms in promoting good urban governance, with a review-analytical approach and using reliable scientific sources. The findings of the research, emphasizing the urban governance of Isfahan, show that participatory digital platforms can significantly affect the improvement of urban governance by increasing transparency, strengthening accountability, expanding citizen participation, improving the quality of decision-making, and facilitating multifaceted interaction among urban stakeholders. At the same time, challenges such as the digital divide, lack of infrastructure, legal obstacles, and low citizen trust in management institutions are serious obstacles to the effectiveness of these platforms. Finally, an integrated conceptual model for implementing participatory digital platforms appropriate to the conditions of Iranian cities is presented.

Abstract The present study, focusing on examining the evolution of the performance of the Turkish government between 2006 and 2024, using the theoretical framework of fragile states and the structural analysis method, seeks to answer the main question: How can the current and future situation of the Turkish government be explained based on government fragility indicators? The data required for the study were collected from the Peace Fund Institute, which monitors and publishes the "State Fragility Index". To assess the relationships between variables, the "MICMAC" method and specialized software version 6.1.2 were used. Also, the evaluation of the structural analysis matrices was carried out based on the opinion and consensus of a panel of experts in the field of Turkey and related specialists so that expert judgments could be the basis for the analysis. The findings of the study show that three key variables; "Elite divergence", "foreign intervention" and "human rights" are among the main drivers of this process and, by influencing five vital variables; "state legitimacy", "security apparatus", "public services", "unbalanced economy" and "poverty and economic decline", they form a set of causal and disabling relationships that result in reinforcing and destructive feedbacks that have led to the weakening of governance capacities and the intensification of structural vulnerabilities in Turkey and, ultimately, have brought consequences such as brain drain, structural inflation, reduction of social capital and weakening of the country's international position. Therefore, the result of this process shows that Turkey is moving towards state fragility.

Abstract The 2026 war constituted a major geopolitical turning point that significantly transformed the security environment and regional order of the Middle East. The conflict went beyond a conventional military confrontation and generated structural changes in the distribution of power, regional security arrangements, geopolitical relations, and the strategic position of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It also exposed the limitations of traditional security doctrines that relied primarily on conventional military capabilities, fixed alliance structures, and hardware-based deterrence. Given Iran's central position in West Asian security dynamics, changes in the regional balance of power directly affect its defense doctrine and national security strategy. The main problem addressed in this study is the growing gap between traditional deterrence mechanisms and the new geopolitical realities of the post-war environment. The 2026 war demonstrated that emerging threats increasingly operate simultaneously in military, cyber, technological, economic, cognitive, and networked domains. Accordingly, this study examines the structural consequences of the war for Iran's regional security strategy and asks how the Islamic Republic of Iran can preserve its stability and national interests in the emerging geopolitical order. The central argument is that the erosion of previous balances of power requires a transition from exclusively hardware-based security toward hybrid deterrence, networked security, technological resilience, geo-economic connectivity, and flexible regional cooperation.

Abstract Violations of children's rights during armed conflicts constitute one of the most pressing challenges in contemporary international human rights law and international humanitarian law. Owing to their physical and psychological vulnerability, children are disproportionately affected by the devastating consequences of war and armed violence. In recent years, particularly in the context of the Hamas–Israel conflict, numerous reports have documented widespread violations of children's rights in the Gaza Strip, underscoring the profound humanitarian and legal dimensions of the crisis.
Using a descriptive-analytical research approach, this study examines the legal challenges associated with the jurisdiction of states and international institutions to investigate and prosecute violations of children's rights arising from this armed conflict. The findings indicate that, although the conduct attributed to the parties to the conflict may constitute international crimes under international law and therefore give rise to individual criminal responsibility, significant legal, political, and practical obstacles continue to impede the effective exercise of jurisdiction by both states and international judicial mechanisms. The analysis further demonstrates that, where the jurisdictional requirements of the Rome Statute are satisfied, the International Criminal Court possesses a viable legal framework for investigating and prosecuting certain crimes committed in the context of the conflict. Overall, the study concludes that strengthening international cooperation and making more effective use of existing legal mechanisms are essential for enhancing the protection of children's rights and combating impunity for serious violations of international humanitarian law.